The mental health effects of a Universal Basic Income: A synthesis of the evidence from previous pilots

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114374Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Unconditional cash transfers are associated with improvements in mental health.
  • For children, improvements are amplified when payments are introduced early.
  • Possible mediators were increased time; hope for the future; and reduced stigma.
  • Evidence on the effects of universal and individual payments is insufficient.
  • Future studies should be longitudinal and include objective outcome measures.

Abstract

Introduction

Amongst its advocates, one of the key arguments for a Universal Basic Income (UBI) is its potential to improve population mental health. However, while previous authors have variously examined the potential effects of UBI on income, employment and labour market demand, the direct mental health consequences of previous pilots have been less frequently examined. The purpose of this paper is therefore to conduct a review of the literature on UBI and to re-examine the existing research with a mental health focus.

Methods

Six electronic databases were used to conduct a review of the literature. We searched for empirical research studies of any design, conducted since the year 2000 in High Income Countries, exploring the effects of interventions similar to a UBI on the mental health of children or working-age adults. Grey literature and government reports were also included.

Results

A total of 1566 articles were screened of which seven peer reviewed studies and eight governmental reports were ultimately selected for inclusion. None of the identified studies directly compared the impact of individual payments with those made on a household basis, or the effects of payments which were truly universal. However, several studies evaluated the mental health outcomes associated with payments provided unconditionally, and consistently reported clear and significant improvements in mental wellbeing. Potential mediating factors included improved time with family and friends, a reduction in perceived stigma and a renewed sense of hope for the future.

Conclusions

Our review has produced evidence to suggest that prophesies surrounding the mental health benefits of a UBI are at least partially justified. However, future studies should aim to be conducted at an area level, with an adequately powered sample size, and investigate interventions of a considerable duration using a longitudinal design.

Introduction

In recent years the debate surrounding Universal Basic Income (UBI), has resurfaced and risen to prominence within global policy discussions (Downes and Lansley, 2018). Amongst its advocates it has been hailed as one of the most innovative, powerful and straightforward solutions to rising levels of poverty, decreasing job security, stigmatised benefit systems and the predicted automation of many routine jobs (Torry, 2019). Such arguments have been based on the prophesised benefits of UBI's five defining features: cash payments, made periodically, on an individual, universal and unconditional basis (Box 1) (Basic Income Earth Network [BIEN], 2019). However, the concept remains controversial (Downes and Lansley, 2018), with opponents questioning its affordability (Hoynes and Rothstein, 2019) and casting doubt on its potential to redistribute wealth amongst the population (Goulden, 2018).
Wealth has long been considered the most important social determinant of health (SDH), as it interacts with, and influences a number of other SDH pathways (Mikkonen and Raphael, 2010). In particular, there is now ample evidence to demonstrate that poverty is undeniably entwined with mental health and wellbeing, and acts as a key driver of mental health inequities (World Health Organization, 2008; Silva et al., 2016). Poverty and lower socio-economic status increase the likelihood of experiencing mental health problems, and this conversely increases the risk of poverty (Anakwenze and Zuberi, 2013). Therefore, for some of its proponents, UBI possesses not only the potential to improve the economic situation of individuals and their families, but through doing so to improve population mental health (Ruckert et al., 2018).
Yet, the proposed mental health benefits of UBI extend beyond any poverty alleviating potential it may possess and are also based on its unique principles of individuality, unconditionality and universality (Torry, 2019). It is argued that payments made on an individual, as opposed to household basis, could be potentially freedom enhancing for many, allowing them social and financial independence from partners, family members, caregivers and, in some cases, perpetrators of violence (Bueskens, 2017, Mays, 2019). Universal payments are similarly proposed to provide the unique ability to forge increased social justice, through reducing poverty stigma, because of the absence of targeting of particular groups (Mays, 2019). Finally, it is proposed that the unconditional nature of a UBI may have stress-reducing benefits for recipients (Torry, 2019). Recent studies exploring the mental health impacts of accessing social security have consistently identified significant psychological distress amongst claimants as a result of exposure to the benefit claim process (Craig and Katikireddi, 2020). Several mechanisms might explain this, however stress associated with sanctions and strict conditions applied to eligibility are considered to be significant (Craig and Katikireddi, 2020). It has therefore been argued that reducing the conditionality associated with benefit systems, may both protect the mental health of recipients and allow the associated cumbersome bureaucracy to be drastically slimmed down (Painter and Thoung, 2015).
However, while previous authors have variously examined the effects of UBI on income (Conner and Taggart, 2013; Berman, 2018), employment (Jones and Marinescu, 2018; De Paz-Báñez et al., 2020), labour market demand and consumption (Reed and Lansley, 2016; Gibson et al., 2018; Calnitsky, 2020), the direct mental health consequences of UBI pilots have been less frequently examined (Ruckert et al., 2018). Indeed, if included at all, to date, the mental health consequences of empirical UBI studies have largely been measured as a secondary, less well investigated outcome. In addition, to our knowledge, only two past reviews of UBI interventions in high-income countries have examined the health impacts of previous pilots at all (Marinescu, 2018; Gibson et al., 2020); and in both of these reviews mental health was considered only briefly, with the main focus centring on UBI's economic impacts. Therefore, while the potential for UBI to reduce health inequalities through alleviating poverty is often cited as one of its primary advantages (Painter, 2018), our actual understanding of how the mental health of a population may respond to such a form of economic support is limited. More recent research has highlighted that the correlation between income inequality and mental health may not be as straightforward as has previously been assumed (Ribeiro et al., 2017). Such findings cast doubt on the potential for UBI to improve population mental health and highlight the need for the mental health effects of previous pilots to be independently and thoroughly considered. Failure to rigorously investigate this would represent a missed opportunity to accurately inform policymakers on the best ways to invest in the mental health of an increasingly insecure and unequal society (Painter, 2018). Moreover, robust analysis is warranted in order to determine which, if any of UBI's defining features (i.e., individuality, universality and unconditionality) are most beneficial for population wellbeing, so that these principles can be prioritised. It is therefore essential that the question of whether UBI schemes can directly contribute to reducing mental health inequities is systematically addressed, and our understanding of how any mental health benefits might be mediated is furthered.
In addition, although some existing studies have indicated the health effects of small UBI schemes, previous pilots have not been designed to promote health specifically. As such, it remains unclear how future UBI pilots should be designed and delivered, in order to gain the most reliable estimation of the effect larger UBI schemes could be expected to have on population wellbeing. Without such an evaluation, it is likely that evaluations of UBI pilots will fail to accurately infer its mental health effects. A robust examination of the methodologies used in previous UBI pilots is therefore essential in order to inform the design of future studies.
The purpose of this paper is therefore to conduct a review of the literature on UBI and to re-examine the existing research with a mental health focus. In particular, we aim to (a) assess the mental health outcomes associated with previous UBI pilots; (b) to examine the relative influence of its individual, unconditional and universal principles on these outcomes; and (c) to provide an indication of how future pilots should be designed and conducted in order to produce the most reliable estimation of its mental health effects.

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Section snippets

Methods

A literature search was performed according to the Preferred Recording Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses, extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) guidelines (Tricco et al., 2018).

Results

Searches identified 1566 articles, excluding duplicates, which were screened according to title and abstract, following which 134 full articles were reviewed (Fig. 1). Seven peer reviewed studies and eight governmental or organisational reports were finally included in this review.

Synthesis of studies

Overall, our review identified fifteen studies or reports of six pilots, presented according to location below.

Discussion

The purpose of this review was to examine the existing literature on UBI experiments, in order to assess the mental health outcomes associated with previous UBI pilots and determine the relative influence of individual payments, unconditional payments or payments which are provided on a universal basis.
Unfortunately, none of the identified studies directly compared the impact of individual payments with those made on a household basis, or the effects of payments which were truly universal. As

Conclusions

A psycho-social dimension of poverty which has been repeatedly linked to its mental health effects, is the lack of control over life choices (Marmot and Wilkinson, 2001), disempowerment (Bray et al., 2020) and loss of social capital it entails (Thompson, 2007). Through providing payments on an unconditional basis, the identified pilots appear to have generated a renewed sense of optimism among recipients, offered them increased opportunities to spend time with their families and equipped them

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